
Why BJP should back Annamalai's new party. A subsidiary model for double engine
K Annamalai has resigned from the BJP and is likely to float an outfit. Taking a leaf out of the Volkswagen-Skoda book, the BJP should back Annamalai's new party to have an entity from the same production line but with a different badge in Tamil Nadu. The BJP's Hindi-Hindutva plank has slid against the Tamil subnationalism wall, and Annamalai has all that is needed to capture the Dravidian fortress.

K Annamalai, the turbocharged engine for the BJP's growth in Tamil Nadu, has moved out of the party's chassis. The BJP has accepted the resignation of Annamalai, who was earlier its Tamil Nadu president, from the party's primary membership. The differences were more on strategy than on ideology. This is exactly why it opens up an option for the BJP to try a subsidiary model in a state where its Hindi-Hindutva identity has made its nationalism-development plank slide against the Tamil sub-nationalism wall. Why not have a wholly owned subsidiary with a completely different identity for a double-engine government?
Annamalai is the BJP's very own. He isn't burning the bridges he built for nearly six years after morphing from a 'Singham' IPS officer to a Thiru politician. That's the bridge the BJP can use in Tamil Nadu.
While the BJP can remain the Volkswagen, flaunting German engineering, Annamalai can be the Skoda to Czechmate entrenched players. Same platforms and shared manufacturing facilities. But different branding, with tweaks for specific segments and a wider market reach.
It's the game carmakers have been playing with great success in the world's third-largest automobile market. Volkswagen-Skoda, Hyundai-Kia, Renault-Nissan and even Suzuki-Toyota.
Satirist and columnist Kamlesh Singh had in April 2025 suggested how some states are best left to wholly owned subsidiaries of the BJP and the Congress. In 'A Kia cue for the BJP', he said it was time for a branding revamp — same engine, different badge.
The time, it seems, has arrived.
Being part of the government in 21 states and the Centre, the BJP's footprint now matches that of the Congress's at its peak under Indira Gandhi. However, the BJP has failed to break into states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Punjab on its own. It has a Hindi-Hindutva identity branded onto it. Its nationalism-development plank doesn't work on slippery social dynamics and regional sub-nationalism.
Can't offer heartland's roti-daal to rasam-rice-loving Tamilians. Let your very own Anna cook up a feast. Let him build his Anna Bharatha Makkal Kazhagam or whatever he prefers to call it, taking on the Dravida parties with nationalism, steering clear of the Hindi politics. Diluting the daal doesn't turn it into rasam. Even those served the watery daal don't savour it.
A national party cannot cater to regional sub-nationalism without denting its national credibility. The BJP could be all for one nation, one election, but one nation, one politics isn't a pragmatic approach for an India where states have been formed on linguistic lines and regional aspirations have kept birthing political parties.
Then there is the electoral maths. An Uttar Pradesh in hand is worth two Tamil Nadus in the bush.
So, let Annamalai chase the bird in the bush with his new party. Align and support him where needed, but keep a safe distance, allowing operational and ideological freedom so that his party isn't cast aside as the "B Team".
Not just Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Punjab might need wholly owned subsidiaries.
In the case of Punjab, the BJP is trying non-Jat social engineering. Why not have a pind-based party drive that formula? Historically, Punjab has had a thing against the succeeding sultanates of Delhi. Let the Lamborghini Diablo do the wooing, and get on the gaddi when it's time for the geri. "Ni woofer tu meri, meri; Main tera amplifier, -fier". Both can be on a song.
West Bengal has shown the BJP how difficult it can be to beat sub-nationalism. Hadn't the pustulant head got this heavy, toppling the Trinamool Congress regime built on Maa-Mati-Manush would have been near impossible. The BJP has witnessed how a dietary issue like fish can come close to tipping the scales. Almost Tai Tai Phish.
So, better leave the rasam-rice in Tamil Nadu to the Anna (the brother).
As the state president, Annamalai tried to build the BJP's grassroots support, one step at a time. Like a man on a mission, he undertook the 1,700-km En Mann, En Makkal padayatra, covering all 39 parliamentary constituencies of Tamil Nadu. Grass takes time to take roots, but it does. The BJP's vote share grew from nearly 3% to over 11% in the 2024 general election.
The BJP, eager to win states and be in power, ditched the Annamalai experiment to align with its longtime Dravidian ally, the AIADMK, for the 2026 polls. As an unstated prerequisite, Annamalai stepped down in 2025. The BJP's vote share dropped below 3%. The BJP can now stay aligned with the AIADMK, while Annamalai builds his party and confronts the Dravidian forces — the DMK and the AIADMK — as he did before.
For all you know, Annamalai could also get the silent Sangh support and emerge as the challenger to C Joseph Vijay.
The BJP, on its part, gains by getting support in Parliament on key national issues when every vote matters. That's how it worked with the Odisha-based Biju Janata Dal (BJD), which wasn't its subsidiary. Ideologically identical, the Naveen Patnaik-led BJD offered support to the BJP in Parliament on crucial issues.
Then there is the issue of consolidating gains. As parties like that of Annamalai's try to win the states, the BJP can focus its energy on retaining what has already been won.
So, the BJP should be happy with Annamalai going on his solo drive. Let Annamalai drive on the protest path over the three-language formula and gain mileage, while the BJP keeps pushing for it across India. Different markets, different badging. It might be time the BJP tried out the subsidiary model for a double-engine government in states. Thus, auto.

