Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to China marks a new beginning in bilateral relations

Rajiv at X'ianSo striking was the symbolism it could well have been stage-managed. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi bundled up against the frost-fingered winds, negotiating the steps of the Great Wall of Chin a that meanders on into infinity. That he undertook the climb at all was in itself a gutsy gamble - akin somewhat to Hillary setting out to conquer Everest.For 26 years, relations between the two Asian giants have been deep-frozen, activated only by hostility and armed tension. The two countries have held eight rounds of talks on the prickly border issue (India Today, December 31, 1988) without any hint that a thaw was possible.The last high-level bilateral visit was in 1954. And. the legendary inscrutability of the Chinese leadership ensured that the outcome of Rajiv's five-day China sojourn last fortnight was as shrouded in mist and mystique as Beijing's congested streets.Finally - and appropriately - the symbolism matched the substance. At the official banquets, the exquisitely-carved vegetable decorations were in the form of a dragon symbolising China, a peacock symbolising India and two doves, symbolising peace. Arrival ceremony at the Great Hall; Rajiv at X'iariThe symbolism didn't end there. For three days, as Rajiv and his aides bartered across the negotiating table and struggled to capture bits of Chinese culinary exotica with their chopsticks at official banquets, the sun broke through occasionally before finally bathing Beijing in unexpected warmth.Nothing could have summed up the visit better. At the end of the second day, senior Indian officials had given the accompanying media the unalloyed impression that a major break- through had been made on the border question. The air of euphoria quickly vanished when Rajiv gave no such indication at his press conference the following day. Then, early next morning, the last day of his stay in Beijing, came the announcement that the two countries had agreed to set up a joint task force to find a solution to the border issue.That alone was a significant enough achievement. The fact that there is no agreed-upon timeframe for resolving the issue means that the true diplomatic worth of Rajiv's visit will only be evident a year or two later. Rajivi himself was at pains to downplay any suggestion of a major breakthrough: "I take a more pragmatic view....I see it as a new beginning." Rajiv and Premier Peng toast each otherRajiv's caution was understandable. Solving the complex border issue is like strolling blindfolded through a minefield. The fact that the officials entrusted with that tricky task are the same ones who have held eight rounds of unfruitful talks adds a dose of pessimism.But viewed against the backdrop of the barbed antagonism that has sculptured relations between the two giants since the 1962 conflict - and the broader implications of a Sino-Indian rapprochement - the level of mutual understanding and acceptance of views during the visit means that the Great Wall of Hostility has finally, and perhaps permanently, been breached.For that, a major share of the credit was not so much Rajiv's as it was of the Grand Old Man of China - the 84-year-old, ailing Deng Xiaoping. If Rajiv deserves credit for taking the gamble of flying blind to Beijing, it was the all-powerful Deng who undoubtedly orchestrated the turning point during his emotion-charged meeting with Rajiv.The tension in the air was almost touchable as the two leaders converged from opposite ends of the cavernous Great Hall of the People. Deng, the famous pudding face animated by a twinkle in the eyes, shuffled forward, then stopped, realising Rajiv was still some distance away. The make-or-break enormity of the occasion was reflected in Rajiv's mien as he moved hesitantly forward, his face set and exuding a certain nervousness. Throughout the three-minute-long handshake, he remained unsure and overawed, answering in monosyllables as Deng rambled into reminiscence.Chinese soldiers marching in Beijing's main squareIn China, however, symbols and semantics are infinitely more important than official declarations. Deng's opening remarks welcoming his "young friend" and suggesting they "forget the past" was an overt indication that he was literally holding out a hand of friendship. And the next few minutes of their meeting was broadcast through loudspeakers, not so much for the benefit of the world media as for China's one billion people. The fact that he spent 90 minutes with Rajiv discussing the changing international scenario and his vision of the balance of power was another signal. A semi-recluse, Deng rarely spends over 30 minutes with visiting leaders. Thus, without actually saying so, Deng was giving his blessings to a burial of the past and the start of another long march towards normalisation of Sino-Indian relations.In that one meeting also lay the key to India's strategy. Before the visit, a section of the foreign office and some China-watchers had criticised the timing of the visit. China and its leadership is currently in rapid transition and, on the surface, a visit at this stage made little sense. But paradoxical as it may sound, Indian officials say that was precisely the reason for opting to go now. Deng's authority is currently unquestionable but his ailing health means he has at best one or two years before he fades into history.The two leaders exchange viewsIn stature, however, Deng enjoys the same kind of reverence that Mao Zedong once did. The Indian calculations rested on the fact that the new 'collective leadership' in China - dominated by Prime Minister Li Peng and General Secretary of the Communist Party of China's Central Committee, Zhao Ziyang - will take some time to acquire the omnipotent authority that Deng still commands.Consequently, it was obvious that Deng was the only leader who could take a clear-cut decision and provide the all-important thrust. "The key factor was that once Deng gives the go-ahead, you are going to have a decision that is irreversible. In that context, the timing could not have been more ideal," says a senior Indian diplomat, adding: "Neither could the visit have been arranged too close to the Indian general elections since that would have made it suspect in Chinese as well as in Indian eyes."The other impetus was the Soviet Union. Moscow is overly keen on encouraging New Delhi to mend fences with Beijing, as it is itself doing. Gorbachev had given Rajiv a candid assessment of the situation in China during his recent visit to Delhi and advised that it was best to break the ice while Deng was around.Rajiv meets DengThe final factor was the Chinese military who are vehemently opposed to any border agreement with India. At the moment, however, they dare not oppose Deng whose official designation is chairman of the Central Military Commission of the People's Republic of China. Nor is the influence of the military as all-pervasive as it once was.But even though Deng has the authority he is now something of a father figure with little official responsibility in day-today affairs. The official response, thus, had to come from people like Li Peng and the new rising sun of Chinese politics, Zhao Ziyang. The Chinese had consequently tailored Rajiv's programme to give themselves time to evaluate the genuineness of New Delhi's intentions.While Rajiv spent most of his second day in China sampling the justly famed Peking Roast Duck over lunch in a Beijing restaurant and visiting the Great Wall at Badaling, a 90-minute drive from the Chinese capital, top Chinese leaders were huddled together assessing the initial talks and deciding on their final response.The first indication that the reaction would be a positive one came at Rajiv's meeting with President Yang Shangkun on his second morning in Beijing. As Rajiv rose to make his farewells, Shangkun drew him aside and confided: "Don't worry, your visit is a success." Further confirmation came at the dinner hosted for Rajiv by Zhao Ziyang after the former's return from the Great Wall. The length of the dinner meeting in itself was unprecedented and it was clear from the sudden warmth that the Chinese had made a decision to include the border issue in the agreements. But, understandably, they were not willing to let Rajiv steal their thunder and make the announcement at his press conference: they wanted it to appear in the joint statement at the end of Rajiv's stay in Beijing. Early the next morning, shortly before Rajiv emplaned for X'ian, the nuts and bolts of the border agreement were finalised.Rajiv and Sonia examine terracota warriors in X'ianFor New Delhi, the implications are broad-ranging and mainly positive. From the tone and wording of the joint statement, it is evident that there is likely to be no more tension on a vulnerable border that has tied up such a large chunk of Indian troops and equipment. And there will be no more armed incursions along the border as in the case of Sumdorong Chu.In the assessment of Indian officials, the talks also imply that China will no longer provide arms and training to the underground rebels in the sensitive Northeast. Intelligence sources claim that the last batch of Tripura National Volunteers rebels who crossed over into China one week before Rajiv's visit was politely turned back by the border guards. "What that means is that we will finally have a stable Northeast which is in itself significant," says an Indian diplomat.In broader terms, a Sino-Indian rapprochement gives New Delhi much greater diplomatic manoeuvrability as well as increased clout. India's relations with both the superpowers are now reaching a new high. More important. Rajiv has managed to establish an enviable personal rapport with Gorbachev as well as with incoming US President George Bush. Now, with a third major power as a possible friend. New Delhi is endowed with unprecedented flexibility in its foreign policy. "China was the missing link." says a senior Indian diplomat.Not that the Indian initiative is solely Rajiv's. Few people are aware that Mrs Gandhi took a decision to settle with the Chinese and made secret efforts to lay the foundations for this a few weeks before her untimely assassination. She had sent her emissary Ram Nath Kao, the former boss of the Research and Analysis Wing, to Beijing with a comprehensive proposal to settle the border dispute. Rajiv at the Temple of HeavenKao was actually in Beijing,holding covert talks with Chinese leaders on October 31,1984, the day she was slain. The talks were aborted and the proposals shoved into cold storage.But neither has the motivation been all that one-sided. For Beijing, the compulsions are equally, if more subtly, in evidence. China is currently going through a paroxysm of economic and social reconstruction. In such a situation, Beijing is overly keen that there be no over-spending on the military nor any diversion of crucially-needed funds.Even more important is the Chinese long-term view of the future balance of power as so eloquently enunciated by Deng during his 90-minute meeting with Rajiv. According to top-level sources, Deng went out of his way to put Rajiv at ease and reassure him on China's intentions and motivations. "Frankly, we did not expect him to be so warm and forthcoming. His mind is as sharp as ever and the warmth and friendliness he exuded was a sure sign that he was making a special effort," says an Indian official present at the talks.After nostalgically recalling his meetings with Nehru and his dealings with Mrs Gandhi. Deng suddenly became serious, turned to Rajiv and said: "You are young. You are the future. We are receding into history. There is a new generation of leaders now and a global desire to live in peace and end conflict and tension. It lies in your hands to shape the destiny of the new world order. Use it wisely."Deng then proceeded to wax philosophical, reminding Rajiv that India and China together accounted for 1.8 billion people, almost 40 per cent of humanity. "Our sole aim should be to improve the lives of our people. We can only do this by working together. We are in a similar socio-economic situation. Official talks in progressWe have both made mistakes and we can learn from each other. Why can't we share our experiences, our successes and failures? There is much we can achieve together. We achieve nothing by being antagonists. Specially when the world is moving towards an era of peace and prosperity."But more remarkable than that was Deng's candid assessment of the future course of world history and of the Asian region. "It was a sober, balanced assessment that was astonishing in its perspective and its frankness," says an official. Deng, for instance, scoffed at recent predictions by leading political scientists that the next century will be the century of the Asia-Pacific region. "By the middle of the next century, China will be a middle-level power only," he told Rajiv. "The old alliances are changing and we must change with them. Unless we encourage that change and work together we will both be left out in the cold. We must employ pragmatism and not rhetoric."That Deng was being so forthright was yet another gesture of symbolism. He would have hardly confided his belief that China will eventually be a middle-level power if he was not absolutely convinced that a Sino-Indian rapprochement was inevitable. Equally, the fact that Rajiv was a scion of the Nehru family may have influenced his attitude.There is also the acceptance among the Chinese leaders that India is now infinitely better equipped and better prepared militarily than in 1962. The Indian Army has succeeded in shipping the controversial but effective Bofors howitzer to the border and New Delhi's rapid deployment of troops and the effectiveness of its Maldives operation have added to India's strategic capability.Rajiv using chopstickBut the overriding factor perhaps was that China today is in the midst of metamorphosis. The results of Deng's modernisation and opening out to the world are now visible - and dramatically illustrative. Beijing is still a drab and somewhat depressing city populated by grey, soulless buildings. But its skyline is now dominated by giant construction equipment erecting modern skyscrapers and flashy American-style hotels. A host of Japanese companies and banking houses are expanding their commercial influence, while affluent Chinese from Taiwan and Hong Kong are setting up foreign collaborations.On the obsessively clean streets, the ubiquitous bicycle is still king but there are an increasing number of Japanese and European cars. Hoardings that once carried revolutionary slogans and portraits of ecstatic, one-child families now advertise Maxwell House coffee, Carlsberg beer and Toyota cars.The most dramatic change is in the younger generation. The drab, uniform tunics that were once compulsory attire are now rarely in evidence. The young dress in a riot of colours and fashions and seem to exude an unusual air of self-confidence and independence. Private enterprise, if not overtly visible, is nonetheless an increasing reality. But the changes have also obviously raised their expectations. There is a thriving black market for dollars and foreign exchange certificates, the only currency that foreigners are required to use. Young Chinese couples stand hand-in-hand in shop windows or crowd the 'Friendship Stores' eyeing - and buying - consumer goods as if in fear that the dream may evaporate.According to the China Daily, Beijing's English language newspaper, most marriages now cost an average of 20.000 yuan (the average monthly urban wage is 400 yuan). The high expense is mainly on setting up house in a modern apartment and stocking it with what are increasingly seen as essentials - modern furniture, refrigerators, stereo systems, televisions, video recorders, washing machines and vacuum cleaners.All this means that the Chinese Government cannot afford to slow down the pace of economic reform. As it is, China has been hit by a devastating drought that has crippled agricultural output. Inflation is running at around 17 per cent and unemployment is a serious concern. Thousands of rural Chinese have been flocking to cities like Beijing - a criminal offence under the Chinese system - in search of jobs and money. Prostitution in the larger cities is also visibly on the rise. That the Government has preferred to turn a blind eye to prostitution and illegal migration is an indication that it is seriously concerned about pushing every effort into rapid development.At an official nology. The agreements on L banquet in X'ianIn that context, a Sino-Indian rapprochement will also give a major boost to bilateral trade and economic cooperation. India is far ahead in areas like electronics and computers while China can provide invaluable inputs in fields like agricultural production and bio-technology. The agreements oncooperation in science and technology are likely to benefit both countries in no minor measure.But among senior Indian officials in the Prime Minister's Office and the Ministry of External Affairs, there is a guarded optimism. There are still considerable differences on issues like nuclear weaponry (Rajiv, however, categorically stated in Beijing that Indian intelligence believes there are no nuclear missiles targeted on Indian territory) and the Indian military presence in Sri Lanka. Chinese leaders in private made it clear that Beijing was opposed to the presence of Indian troops in Sri Lanka. There are also serious differences on issues like Kampuchea and Afghanistan.New Delhi has obviously opted to downplay the Tibet is sue in the broader interests of a Sino-Indian thaw. Tibet is a highly-emotive issue with the Chinese and the fact that there were anti-Chinese riots in Lhasa just five days before Rajiv arrived gave it an added sensitivity. Rajiv's advisers, however, had clearly decided that bending backwards on Tibet would be the only way to influence the Chinese to be more responsive to a settlement of the border issue. Rajiv made it clear that India would not allow any anti-China activities by the Tibetans in India and reiterated that New Delhi considered Tibet an "autonomous region" of China.Official sources claim that the stand India decided to take in Beijing on the Tibetan issue was made clear to the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala before the visit. "He understood the imperatives. It would have been counter-productive for us to get into a long-drawn argument over Tibet when there was so much at stake. We didn't want to rock the boat." says an official. Consequently, the Tibetan issue was barely discussed.Raiiv touring an industrial unit in ShanghaiThe crucial element now is the speed with which the gains in Beijing are capitalised upon. "It is important to keep the momentum going. It would be tragic if we miss this chance." says an Indian official. The border issue is obviously the biggest obstacle. The joint statement at the end of the visit laid emphasis on a "fair and reasonable settlement" which would be "mutually acceptable". That is much more difficult than it sounds. India has claimed 14,500 square miles of barren, mountainous territory in the Aksai Chin region of Ladakh. China claims 34,000 square miles of Arunachal Pradesh.In addition, any territorial concessions by New Delhi - concessions which are It implicit in the joint statement - would be violative of the parliamentary resolution of 1962 which is against the ceding of any territory to China. But having taken the plunge it is now up to the Rajiv Government to convince the Indian public of the advantages of a Sino-lndian thaw and the need to re-examine and perhaps rephrase the 1962 resolution.On its part. China has other diplomatic priorities. Last week, in a poll conducted among the editors of the leading Chinese newspapers to decide the most significant events of 1988, Rajiv's visit ranked seventh out of the 10 selected.The most daunting obstacle, of course. is history. The euphoria of the '50s ('Hindi-Chini-bhai-bhai') nosedived into hostility that has lasted a quarter of a century. In 1978. China attacked Vietnam while the then Indian foreign minister of the Janata regime was on an official visit to Beijing. And. the serious border clash in the Sumdorong Chu valley took place just last year.All that means that the hands across the Himalayas are still loosely grasped. Rajiv's visit has opened a chink in the bamboo curtain and only the coming months will tell just how durable and mutually advantageous the new warmth will be. In that sense, the "new beginning" is very much like a Chinese banquet - appetising and savoury but full of unknown ingredients and a bewildering variety of unfamiliar dishes.Published By: AtMigration Published On: Jan 15, 1989 00:00 IST--- ENDS ---

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Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to China marks a new beginning in bilateral relations

The relations between India and China - deep-frozen for the last 26 years - finally seemed to thaw with the formation of a joint task force to solve the thorny border issue. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to China marked a new beginning in bilateral relations.

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